Just how special was the ‘special relationship’ in the Second World War? (Part 2, 1942–44)

Source 8

Copy of a message from Winston Churchill to Prime Minister Clement Attlee, October 1945

Reference

➜ CHUR 2/3/105

Simplified Transcript

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Mr. CHURCHILL to PRIME MINISTER.
PERSONAL AND SECRET

1. Thank you for showing me your draft message. I mostly agree with what you say and how serious this matter is. However the message does not make clear what you want the Americans to do. Do you want them to reveal everything to a meeting of the United Nations? It would not be easy for them to call a meeting unless they share their knowledge (about the Atomic bomb) and the uranium etc. Do you wish them to tell the Russians? Is this what is meant by "An Act of Faith". If so I do not believe they will agree, and I think they are right not to, and I will say so, if and when it becomes public.
2. America is responsible for a world policy (on atomic weapons). They are two or three years ahead (of Russia) and will be even further ahead soon. I am sure they will not use their advantage for their own benefit. In this short gap they and we must try to reach some form of security based upon force and backed up by the Atomic bomb. I would support a new United Nations Conference after we have reached an agreement with the Americans. I do not think that we should tell the Russians however. This will make America suspicious of us if we do.
3. Also we have a special relationship with them (America) about atomic weapons based on my agreement with President Roosevelt. This is almost a military agreement between us and the mightiest power in the world. I would be very sad if we did not value this and replaced this with a general international arrangement which will have bold aims but achieve nothing. (See what happened about the submarines).
4. The only basis for an agreement is if all countries that have atomic weapons are prepared to use them together against any nation that uses it in war. This would be helped by the U.S. and G.B. being as powerful as possible. The U.S. should not share their knowledge and advantage except
   in return for a system of inspection for all countries with atomic weapons. Clearly we need this fast.
5. These are of course only my immediate reactions to your proposed message. I understand how worrying this is for you.

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Original Transcript

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Mr. CHURCHILL to PRIME MINISTER.
PERSONAL AND SECRET.

1. I thank you for consulting me about the draft message. I am in general agreement with the sentiments you express and feel with you the appalling gravity of the matter. However the message does not seem to me to make clear what in fact you want the Americans to do. Do you want them to lay their processes before a conference of the United Nations? It would not be easy for them to convene a conference themselves unless they were prepared to share their knowledge and the uranium etc. Do you wish them to tell the Russians? Is this what is meant by (quote) "An Act of Faith" (Unquote). If so I do not believe they will agree, and I personally should deem them right not to, and will certainly have to say so, if and when the issue is raised in public.
2. The responsibility for propounding a world policy clearly rests with the U.S.A. I imagine they have two or three years lead, and will have got still further on in that time. I am sure they will not use their advantage for wrong purposes of national aggrandisement and domination. In this short interval they and we must try to reach some form of security based upon a solemn covenant backed by force V.I.Z. the force of the Atomic bomb. I therefore am in favour, after we and the U.S.A. have reached agreement, of a new United Nations Conference on the subject. I do not however consider that we should at this stage at any rate talk about (quote) "Acts of Faith" (Unquote). This will in the existing circumstances raise immediate suspicion in American breasts.
3. Moreover we have a special relationship with them in this matter as defined in my agreement with President Roosevelt. This almost amounts to a military understanding between us and the mightiest power in the world. I should greatly regret if we seemed not to value this and pressed them to melt our dual agreement down into a general international arrangement consisting, I fear, of pious empty phrases and undertakings which will not be carried out. (See what happened about the submarines).
4. Nothing will give a foundation except the supreme resolve of all nations who possess or may possess the weapon to use it at once unitedly against any nation that uses it in war. For this purpose the greater the power of the U.S. and G.B. in the next few years the better are the hopes. The U.S. therefore should not share their knowledge and advantage except in return for a system of inspection of this and all other weapon-preparations in every country, which they are satisfied after trial is genuine. Evidently we all have to hasten.
5. These are of course only my immediate reactions to your proposed message. I sympathise deeply in your anxieties.

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What is this source?

This is a secret message from Winston Churchill to Clement Attlee, the new Labour Prime Minister, October 1945.

Background to this source

All the key players in the relationship between the US and the UK had changed by this point. Despite having lost the election in May 1945 and no longer being Prime Minister, Churchill was considered a key figure in the post-war relationship with America. Churchill (Conservative) and Attlee (Labour) were political opponents, but Attlee had served Churchill as Deputy Prime Minister in Churchill’s wartime Coalition government. Roosevelt died in April 1945, and Truman had become President of the United States. The allies had defeated Germany in May and following the dropping of two atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, Japan had been defeated in August. Stalin was shocked that his allies had developed the atomic weapons without informing him and this led to growing distrust between the Soviet Union and Britain and America.

Under the Quebec Agreement of 1943, Britain and the US agreed to work collaboratively in researching the development of atomic weapons. British scientists had made the key scientific breakthroughs which enabled the development of atomic weapons and shared this information with the United States. The US led the Manhattan Project which developed the first Atomic Bomb but there were tensions and accusations that the US researchers did not share their findings in return.

How can we use this source in the investigation?

Remember we are hoping that this source can be useful to us in investigating what was special about the relationship between Britain and America in the latter years of the Second World War. Sources usually help historians in two ways:

Surface level: details, facts and figures

1. What is Prime Minister Attlee intending to do?
2. How does Churchill respond?
3. Why does Churchill describe Britain and America as having a ‘special relationship’?

Deeper level: inferences and using the source as evidence

Which of the inferences below can be made from this source?

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Need help interpreting the source?

• This document presents an interesting and challenging source for historians. Churchill is no longer Prime Minister, but he is clearly in contact with the new Prime Minister, Clement Atlee. It raises the question of whether the new Prime Minister shares Churchill’s views on the Special Relationship. To some extent this can be inferred from the document by reading between the lines, particularly in areas where Churchill and Atlee appear to agree and also in areas where Churchill is trying to influence Attlee.

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